Перевод: со словенского на английский

с английского на словенский

forms with

  • 1 esera

    esera Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `fishbone, awn'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 29-30
    Polish:
    jesiory (OPl., dial.) `fishbone' [Nompf ā];
    osiory (NE. dial.) `awn, beard (on ears of grain), hulls;
    fishbone, fish scales' [Nompf ā]
    Slovincian:
    jìe̯zo_ră `fishbone' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    jeseråi `awn, beard (on ears of grain)' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: eś-er-aʔ
    Lithuanian:
    ešerỹs `perch (perca fluvialis), fin' [f ā] 3b;
    ašerỹs (dial.) `perch (perca fluvialis), fin' [f ā] 3b
    Latvian:
    asaris `perch (perca fluvialis)' [m jo];
    aseris `perch (perca fluvialis)' [m jo]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eḱ-er-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: It seems obvious that this Balto-Slavic etymon is cognate with Germanic *ah-s-/*ah-iz- `ear', cf. Go. ahs n., OIc. ax n., OHG ahir, ehir n., and with such forms as OHG ahil `Ährenspitze', MoE (arch.) ail `beard on wheat and barley' (Kluge s.v. Ähre). A nice parallel for the meaning `perch' is OIc. ǫgr `bass' < *agura- < h₂eḱ-. Since the root is probably *h₂eḱ- `sharp', the forms with *e- must be considered instances of Rozwadowski's change. Note that we find a- in the Latvian forms but also in Lith. ašakà `fishbone' and aš(t)rùs `sharp'.
    Notes:
    It seems obvious that this Balto-Slavic etymon is cognate with Germanic *ah-s-/*ah-iz- `ear', cf. Go. ahs n., OIc. ax n., OHG ahir, ehir n., and with such forms as OHG ahil `Ährenspitze', MoE (arch.) ail `beard on wheat and barley' (Kluge s.v. Ähre). A nice parallel for the meaning `perch' is OIc. ǫgr `bass' < *agura- < h₂eḱ-. Since the root is probably *h₂eḱ- `sharp', the forms with *e- must be considered instances of Rozwadowski's change. Note that we find a- in the Latvian forms but also in Lith. ašakà `fishbone' and aš(t)rùs `sharp'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esera

  • 2 mělь

    mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168
    Old Church Slavic:
    měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]
    Russian:
    mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];
    mel `chalk' [m o]
    Czech:
    měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];
    měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];
    měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]
    Old Czech:
    měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]
    Polish:
    miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    miel `sand-bank' [f i];
    miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];
    mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-
    Lithuanian:
    smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 717
    Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'
    ;
    Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'
    ;
    Sw. smula `chunk'
    ;
    Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];
    Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'
    \{3\} \{4\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mělь

  • 3 mělъ

    mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168
    Old Church Slavic:
    měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]
    Russian:
    mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];
    mel `chalk' [m o]
    Czech:
    měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];
    měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];
    měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]
    Old Czech:
    měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]
    Polish:
    miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    miel `sand-bank' [f i];
    miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];
    mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-
    Lithuanian:
    smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 717
    Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'
    ;
    Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'
    ;
    Sw. smula `chunk'
    ;
    Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];
    Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'
    \{3\} \{4\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mělъ

  • 4 màkъ

    màkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `poppy'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 149-151
    Church Slavic:
    makъ `poppy' [m o]
    Russian:
    mak `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]
    Czech:
    mák `poppy' [m o]
    Slovak:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Polish:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁk `poppy' [m o], mȁka [Gens], màka [Gens];
    Čak. mȁk (Vrgada) `poppy' [m o], makȁ [Gens]
    Slovene:
    màk `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ?
    Lithuanian:
    aguonà `poppy' [f ā] 2;
    mãguonė (dial.) `poppy' [f ē] 1 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    maguône `poppy' [f ē] \{2\} \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    moke (EV) `poppy' [f]
    IE meaning: poppy
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 698
    Comments: The Germanic forms show grammatischer Wechsel as well as an alternation *ā: a. The vocalism, which could reflect PIE *eh₁: h₁, does not match the ā of the Greek and the Slavic forms, which leads us to assume that the vowel alternation arose when at a comparatively late stage the root māk- was borrowed into Germanic (cf. Kluge 1989, 484). The Lithuanian and Latvian forms are usually considered borrowings from Germanic, whereas OPr. moke may have been borrowed from Polish. The Estonian and Livonian forms must be borrowings from Baltic, probably Latvian. It is generally agreed upon that ultimately we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European (Mediterranean?) origin.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. μήκων `poppy' [f];
    Dor. μά̑κων `poppy' [f];
    OHG māho `poppy'
    ;
    OHG mago `poppy'
    ;
    OS magosāmo `poppyseed'
    ;
    OS mēcopin (Königsberg) `poppy'
    ;
    OSw. valmoghe `poppy'
    \{4\};
    Est. magun `poppy;
    Liv. maggon `poppy'
    Notes:
    \{1\} Besides, we find the variants maguona and magūna. The forms with m are restricted to the area around Klaipėda. \{2\} I have found the variants magùona2, magana, magane and magūne. \{3\} The initial m of the word for `poppy' was apparently lost in Lithuanian but not in Latvian. The Lithuanian dialect forms with m- may be due to the influence of the (Latvian) language of the fishermen of the Couronian Isthmus (cf. Būga RR III: 320). Sabaliauskas suggests dissimilatory loss of m, parallel to the loss of r in arotai: rarotai, akrūtas: rakrūtas, Latv. ruodere: uodere, ūk̨eris (1960, 71-72). \{4\} The first element means `sleep', cf. Nw. dial. vale `deep sleep', Sw. dial. valbjörn `Schlafdorn'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > màkъ

  • 5 olьxa

    olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82
    Russian:
    ol'xá `alder' [f ā];
    ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    jelcha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Polish:
    olcha `alder' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jelha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-
    Lithuanian:
    al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;
    alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;
    álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1
    Latvian:
    àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];
    àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂
    IE meaning: alder
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-303
    Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. alnus `alder'
    ;
    Span. aliso `alder'
    ;
    Mac. ἄλιζα `white poplar';
    OHG elira, erila `alder' [f];
    OE alor `alder'
    ;
    OIc. ǫlr `alder'
    , jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olьxa

  • 6 elьxa

    olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82
    Russian:
    ol'xá `alder' [f ā];
    ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    jelcha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Polish:
    olcha `alder' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jelha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-
    Lithuanian:
    al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;
    alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;
    álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1
    Latvian:
    àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];
    àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂
    IE meaning: alder
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-303
    Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. alnus `alder'
    ;
    Span. aliso `alder'
    ;
    Mac. ἄλιζα `white poplar';
    OHG elira, erila `alder' [f];
    OE alor `alder'
    ;
    OIc. ǫlr `alder'
    , jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elьxa

  • 7 žuriti

    žuriti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `rage'
    Russian:
    žurít' (coll.) `reprove, scold' [verb], žurjú [1sg], žurít [3sg];
    žurít'sja (dial.) `grieve, quarrel' [verb], žurjús' [1sg], žurítsja [3sg]
    Czech:
    zuřiti `rage, be furious' [verb] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    zúrit' `rage, be furious' [verb] \{1\}
    Polish:
    żurzyć się (obs.) `be angry, rage' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    zuriś `make sour, embitter' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    zúriti se `hurry, (dial.) complain' [verb], žȗrīm se [1sg]
    Slovene:
    žúriti se `hurry' [verb], žúrim se [1sg]
    Indo-European reconstruction: gʰeuro-
    Comments: According to Young (2002), the West Slavic forms continue a denominative verb based on an unattested adjective corresponding to Lith. žiaurùs `cruel, savage', which he assumes to have the same root as Lith. žvėrìs `wild animal' (*ǵʰeuh₁r-?). Like Vasmer and others, he connects the East and South Slavic forms with Skt. ghorá- `terrible, terrifying' [adj] and Go. gaurs `sad' [adj]. Since the meaning of the West Slavic forms may have been influenced by German sauer `sour, angry' (perhaps through association with West Slavic * žurъ `sour mass used for soup or bread', which is regarded as a borrowing), I wonder if it is necessary to assume a different origin for the West Slavic forms on the one hand and the East and South Slavic forms on the other.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. ghorá- (RV+) `terrible, terrifying' [adj];
    Go. gaurs `sad' [adj]
    Notes:
    \{1\} With dissimilation of *žuř- to zuř- in Czech (Machek 1971: s.v.). The Slovak form may be a borrowing from Czech.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > žuriti

  • 8 ešče

    ešče Grammatical information: adv. Proto-Slavic meaning: `still, yet'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 32-33
    Old Church Slavic:
    ješte `still, yet' [adv]
    Russian:
    eščë `still, yet' [adv];
    ošče (dial.) `still, yet' [adv] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ještě `still, yet' [adv]
    Old Czech:
    ješče `still, yet' [adv]
    Slovak:
    ešte `still, yet' [adv]
    Polish:
    jeszcze `still, yet' [adv];
    oszczo (dial.) `still, yet' [adv]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȍšt(e) `still, yet' [adv];
    ješče (dial.) `still, yet' [adv];
    Čak. jošćȅ (Vrgada) `still, yet' [adv];
    Čak. jȍš (Orbanići) `still, yet' [adv]
    Slovene:
    šè `still, yet' [adv];
    ščè `still, yet' [adv];
    jošče `still, yet' [adv];
    još `still, yet' [adv];
    ešče `still, yet' [adv];
    íšče `still, yet' [adv]
    Bulgarian:
    ešte `still, yet' [adv];
    ošte `still, yet' [adv]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁eske(h₁)
    Other cognates:
    Skt. áchā `to' [prep., pvb.];
    Arm. c` `to, till' [prep.] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Russian dialects forms with e- occur alongside forms with o-. This variation is already found in Old Russian. \{2\} Forms such as SCr. jȍšte, Bulg. (dial.) jóšte and Sln. (dial.) išče result from the accretion of *i `and'. The *o-variants in this word are attested in a remarkably large area. The alternative etymologies contain a deictic element *edʰ- or *et- (see ESSJa s.v.).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ešče

  • 9 emela

    emela; emelo; jьmela; jьmelo Grammatical information: f. ā; n. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `mistletoe'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 26-27
    Russian:
    oméla `mistletoe' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    omela `lure (for birds)' [f ā];
    imela `lure (for birds)' [f ā]
    Czech:
    jmelí `mistletoe' [n io];
    melí (dial.) `mistletoe' [n io];
    omela (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā];
    omelo (dial.) `mistletoe' [n o]
    Old Czech:
    jmelé `mistletoe' [n io]
    Slovak:
    jemelo (dial.), hemelo (dial.) `mistletoe' [n o];
    imelo, jmelo (dial.) `mistletoe' [n o]
    Polish:
    jemioɫa `mistletoe' [f ā];
    jamioɫa (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā];
    imioɫa (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā]
    Old Polish:
    jemioɫa `mistletoe' [f ā];
    jemioɫ `mistletoe' [m o];
    jemioɫo `mistletoe' [n o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jemjel `mistletoe' [m o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jemjoɫ, hemjoɫ `mistletoe' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    ìmela `mistletoe' [f ā];
    mèla `mistletoe' [f ā];
    òmela (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    omę́la `mistletoe' [f ā];
    imę̑la `mistletoe' [f ā];
    mę̑la `mistletoe' [f ā];
    melję̑ `mistletoe' [n jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: emel-
    Lithuanian:
    ãmalas, ẽmalas `mistletoe' [m o] 3b
    Latvian:
    ęmuols (BW);
    āmuls `mistletoe, clover' [m o] \{1\}
    Old Prussian:
    emelno (EV) `mistletoe'
    Indo-European reconstruction: emel-o-
    IE meaning: mistletoe
    Certainty: -
    Comments: This plant name is probably a borrowing from a non-Indo-European substratum language. The Slavic forms with *jьm- may be due to popular etymology (the mistletoe's sap is used to produce bird-lime), cf. OCS imati `to take'. An etymological connection with PIE *h₁m- `to take' is doubtful, as is the connection with *H₃eHm- `raw' .
    Notes:
    \{1\} The forms with ā- may show the influence of âbuõls `apple, clover'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > emela

  • 10 emelo

    emela; emelo; jьmela; jьmelo Grammatical information: f. ā; n. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `mistletoe'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 26-27
    Russian:
    oméla `mistletoe' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    omela `lure (for birds)' [f ā];
    imela `lure (for birds)' [f ā]
    Czech:
    jmelí `mistletoe' [n io];
    melí (dial.) `mistletoe' [n io];
    omela (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā];
    omelo (dial.) `mistletoe' [n o]
    Old Czech:
    jmelé `mistletoe' [n io]
    Slovak:
    jemelo (dial.), hemelo (dial.) `mistletoe' [n o];
    imelo, jmelo (dial.) `mistletoe' [n o]
    Polish:
    jemioɫa `mistletoe' [f ā];
    jamioɫa (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā];
    imioɫa (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā]
    Old Polish:
    jemioɫa `mistletoe' [f ā];
    jemioɫ `mistletoe' [m o];
    jemioɫo `mistletoe' [n o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jemjel `mistletoe' [m o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jemjoɫ, hemjoɫ `mistletoe' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    ìmela `mistletoe' [f ā];
    mèla `mistletoe' [f ā];
    òmela (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    omę́la `mistletoe' [f ā];
    imę̑la `mistletoe' [f ā];
    mę̑la `mistletoe' [f ā];
    melję̑ `mistletoe' [n jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: emel-
    Lithuanian:
    ãmalas, ẽmalas `mistletoe' [m o] 3b
    Latvian:
    ęmuols (BW);
    āmuls `mistletoe, clover' [m o] \{1\}
    Old Prussian:
    emelno (EV) `mistletoe'
    Indo-European reconstruction: emel-o-
    IE meaning: mistletoe
    Certainty: -
    Comments: This plant name is probably a borrowing from a non-Indo-European substratum language. The Slavic forms with *jьm- may be due to popular etymology (the mistletoe's sap is used to produce bird-lime), cf. OCS imati `to take'. An etymological connection with PIE *h₁m- `to take' is doubtful, as is the connection with *H₃eHm- `raw' .
    Notes:
    \{1\} The forms with ā- may show the influence of âbuõls `apple, clover'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > emelo

  • 11 jьmela

    emela; emelo; jьmela; jьmelo Grammatical information: f. ā; n. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `mistletoe'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 26-27
    Russian:
    oméla `mistletoe' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    omela `lure (for birds)' [f ā];
    imela `lure (for birds)' [f ā]
    Czech:
    jmelí `mistletoe' [n io];
    melí (dial.) `mistletoe' [n io];
    omela (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā];
    omelo (dial.) `mistletoe' [n o]
    Old Czech:
    jmelé `mistletoe' [n io]
    Slovak:
    jemelo (dial.), hemelo (dial.) `mistletoe' [n o];
    imelo, jmelo (dial.) `mistletoe' [n o]
    Polish:
    jemioɫa `mistletoe' [f ā];
    jamioɫa (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā];
    imioɫa (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā]
    Old Polish:
    jemioɫa `mistletoe' [f ā];
    jemioɫ `mistletoe' [m o];
    jemioɫo `mistletoe' [n o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jemjel `mistletoe' [m o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jemjoɫ, hemjoɫ `mistletoe' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    ìmela `mistletoe' [f ā];
    mèla `mistletoe' [f ā];
    òmela (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    omę́la `mistletoe' [f ā];
    imę̑la `mistletoe' [f ā];
    mę̑la `mistletoe' [f ā];
    melję̑ `mistletoe' [n jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: emel-
    Lithuanian:
    ãmalas, ẽmalas `mistletoe' [m o] 3b
    Latvian:
    ęmuols (BW);
    āmuls `mistletoe, clover' [m o] \{1\}
    Old Prussian:
    emelno (EV) `mistletoe'
    Indo-European reconstruction: emel-o-
    IE meaning: mistletoe
    Certainty: -
    Comments: This plant name is probably a borrowing from a non-Indo-European substratum language. The Slavic forms with *jьm- may be due to popular etymology (the mistletoe's sap is used to produce bird-lime), cf. OCS imati `to take'. An etymological connection with PIE *h₁m- `to take' is doubtful, as is the connection with *H₃eHm- `raw' .
    Notes:
    \{1\} The forms with ā- may show the influence of âbuõls `apple, clover'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > jьmela

  • 12 jьmelo

    emela; emelo; jьmela; jьmelo Grammatical information: f. ā; n. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `mistletoe'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 26-27
    Russian:
    oméla `mistletoe' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    omela `lure (for birds)' [f ā];
    imela `lure (for birds)' [f ā]
    Czech:
    jmelí `mistletoe' [n io];
    melí (dial.) `mistletoe' [n io];
    omela (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā];
    omelo (dial.) `mistletoe' [n o]
    Old Czech:
    jmelé `mistletoe' [n io]
    Slovak:
    jemelo (dial.), hemelo (dial.) `mistletoe' [n o];
    imelo, jmelo (dial.) `mistletoe' [n o]
    Polish:
    jemioɫa `mistletoe' [f ā];
    jamioɫa (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā];
    imioɫa (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā]
    Old Polish:
    jemioɫa `mistletoe' [f ā];
    jemioɫ `mistletoe' [m o];
    jemioɫo `mistletoe' [n o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jemjel `mistletoe' [m o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jemjoɫ, hemjoɫ `mistletoe' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    ìmela `mistletoe' [f ā];
    mèla `mistletoe' [f ā];
    òmela (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    omę́la `mistletoe' [f ā];
    imę̑la `mistletoe' [f ā];
    mę̑la `mistletoe' [f ā];
    melję̑ `mistletoe' [n jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: emel-
    Lithuanian:
    ãmalas, ẽmalas `mistletoe' [m o] 3b
    Latvian:
    ęmuols (BW);
    āmuls `mistletoe, clover' [m o] \{1\}
    Old Prussian:
    emelno (EV) `mistletoe'
    Indo-European reconstruction: emel-o-
    IE meaning: mistletoe
    Certainty: -
    Comments: This plant name is probably a borrowing from a non-Indo-European substratum language. The Slavic forms with *jьm- may be due to popular etymology (the mistletoe's sap is used to produce bird-lime), cf. OCS imati `to take'. An etymological connection with PIE *h₁m- `to take' is doubtful, as is the connection with *H₃eHm- `raw' .
    Notes:
    \{1\} The forms with ā- may show the influence of âbuõls `apple, clover'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > jьmelo

  • 13 mogti

    mogti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `be able'
    Page in Trubačev: XIX 107-111
    Old Church Slavic:
    mošti `be able' [verb], mogǫ [1sg], možetъ [3sg]
    Russian:
    moč' `be able' [verb], mogú [1sg], móžet [3sg]
    Czech:
    moci `be able' [verb], mohu [1sg], může [3sg]
    Slovak:
    môct' `be able' [verb], môžem [1sg]
    Polish:
    móc `be able' [verb], mogę [1sg], może [3sg]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mòći `be able' [verb], mògu [1sg], mȍžē [3sg];
    Čak. mȍći (Vrgada) `be able' [verb], mȏgu [1sg], mȍže [3sg];
    Čak. mȍć (Orbanići) `can, be able (to), be allowed (to)' [verb], mȍren [1sg]
    Slovene:
    móči `be able, must' [verb], mǫ́rem [1sg], mórem [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    móga `be able, be allowed' [verb]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: mog-
    Lithuanian:
    magė́ti `please, interest' \{1\} [verb], mãga [3sg]
    Old Prussian:
    massi `be able \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mogʰ-
    IE meaning: be able, capable
    Page in Pokorny: 695
    Comments: The generally accepted apophonic relationship between Slavic *mogti, Lith. magė́ti etc. on the one hand and mė́gti `love, like', Latv. mêgt `be able, be accustomed to' on the other cannot be maintained if one adheres to the view that the lengthened grade yielded a Balto-Slavic circumflex. The acute of the latter verbs may be due to Winter's law (*h₁meǵ- if cognate with Gk. περιημεκτέω `be aggrieved, chafe'). The o-vocalism of magė́ti and the Slavic and the Germanic forms points to an old perfect. For the semantic development `to be able' -> `to like', cf. Go. mag vs. MoHG mögen. As Pokorny remarks himself, his reconstruction *magʰ-, māgʰ- is entirely based on the presumed connection of the aforementioned forms with Gk. μηχανή `means, instrument', μη̃χος `instrument, apparatus', Dor. μᾱχᾱνα, μα̃ χος, which was rejected by Endzelīns (1931: 183), Fraenkel (1951, 168), Stang (1972, 37) a.o. for various reasons (cf. ESSJa X: 110) but nevertheless reappears in Lehmann 1986 (239).
    Other cognates:
    Skt. maghá- `power, wealth, gift'
    ;
    Go. mag `have power, be able' [3sg];
    OIc. mega `be able' [verb], má [3sg];
    OHG magan, mugan `be able' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} The verb usually occurs in impersonal constructions. \{2\} The scholarly community is divided with respect to the question whether massi is a borrowing from Slavic (viz. Polish może) or a genuine Prussian form (see Mažiulis III: 114 for the relevant literature).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mogti

  • 14 bolzìna

    bolzìna Grammatical information: f. ā
    Page in Trubačev: II 183-184
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blàzina `pillow, bolster' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    blazína `roof-beam, cross-beam, pillow, mattress, bolster' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bolźeiʔnaʔ; bolźeiʔnos
    Lithuanian:
    balžíenas `cross-beam (harrow,waggon, sledge)' [m o] 1/3;
    balžíena `cross-beam (harrow,waggon, sledge)' [f ā] 1/3
    Latvian:
    bàlziêns `cross-beam (sledge, plough)' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    balsinis `cushion';
    pobalso `bolster'
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰolǵʰ-
    Comments: It seems plausible that we are dealing with two, formally indistinguishable roots (cf. IEW: 122-123, 125-126). The meaning `pillow, bolster' belongs to the same root that underlies Lith. bal̃nas, OHG balg etc. Stang (1972, 14) attempts to separate `beam' from `pillow, bellows' on formal grounds (*ǵ vs. ǵʰ, respectively), but this does not seem to work, as the Balto-Slavic forms that would *ǵ do not show the effects of Winter's law. It is more likely that the Germanic forms with *k contain * k(k) < *ǵʰ-n- (Kluge's law).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. bjalki `beam'
    ;
    OHG balko `beam'
    ;
    OE balca `beam'
    \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bolzìna

  • 15 màlъ

    màlъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `small, little'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 173-178
    Old Church Slavic:
    malъ `small, little' [adj o]
    Russian:
    mályj `small, little' [adj o]
    Czech:
    malý `small, little' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    malý `small, little' [adj o]
    Polish:
    maɫy `small, little' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁo `small, little' [adj o];
    Čak. må̃lī (Vrgada) `small, little' [adj o];
    Čak. mȃli (Orbanići) `small, little' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    mȃli `small, little' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    mal (BTR) `small, little' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: moh₁-lo-
    Page in Pokorny: 724
    Comments: The question is whether *màlъ can be linked to PIE *melH-, as has been advocated by Varbot, for instance (1972: 63). In view of the acute root vowel, I consider this unlikely: we would have to posit a lengthened grade root of which the acute intonation is analogical after forms with full or zero grade. Thus, I prefer to reconstruct a root *mH₁-, which in the etymon under discussion is followed by an l-suffix (cf. Vaillant IV, 545, where the root is assumed to be identical with the root of Ru. majat', which I reconstruct as *meH₂-). The Germanic forms would have s mobile and zero grade of the root. Notice that Pokorny classifies CS mělъkъ under 1. mel-, melǝ- `zermalmen, schlagen, mahlen etc.', while OCS malъ can be found under mēlo-, smēlo- `kleines Tier'.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. μη̃λον `small cattle, goat, sheep' [n] \{1\};
    OIr. míl `(small) `animal';
    Go. smals `small, insignificant'
    ;
    OIc. smali `small (live) `stock, sheep'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Doric form also has η.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > màlъ

  • 16 edìnъ

    edìnъ; edьnъ Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `one'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 11-13
    Old Church Slavic:
    jedinъ `one' [num o];
    jedьnъ `one' [num o] \{1\}
    Russian:
    odín `one' [num o], odnogó [Gens], odná [Nomsf]
    Czech:
    jeden `one' [num o]
    Polish:
    jeden `one' [num o];
    jedyny `only' [num o]
    Old Polish:
    jedziny `only' [num o]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃dĕn `one' [num o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèdan `one' [num o], jȅdna [Nomsf];
    Čak. jedå̃n (Vrgada) `one' [num o], jednȁ [Nomsf], jednȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. jedãn (Orbanići) `one, some, a certain, a' [num o], jenȁ [Nomsf], jenȍ [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    edín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    jedín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    édǝn `one' [num o];
    jédǝn `one' [num o];
    èn `one' [num o]
    Bulgarian:
    edín `one' [num. o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-HiH-no-
    IE meaning: one
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 284, 286
    Comments: In view of Ru. odín, Gsg. odnogó etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h₁)edʰ- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form with ь is less common than jedinъ.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > edìnъ

  • 17 edьnъ

    edìnъ; edьnъ Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `one'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 11-13
    Old Church Slavic:
    jedinъ `one' [num o];
    jedьnъ `one' [num o] \{1\}
    Russian:
    odín `one' [num o], odnogó [Gens], odná [Nomsf]
    Czech:
    jeden `one' [num o]
    Polish:
    jeden `one' [num o];
    jedyny `only' [num o]
    Old Polish:
    jedziny `only' [num o]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃dĕn `one' [num o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèdan `one' [num o], jȅdna [Nomsf];
    Čak. jedå̃n (Vrgada) `one' [num o], jednȁ [Nomsf], jednȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. jedãn (Orbanići) `one, some, a certain, a' [num o], jenȁ [Nomsf], jenȍ [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    edín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    jedín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    édǝn `one' [num o];
    jédǝn `one' [num o];
    èn `one' [num o]
    Bulgarian:
    edín `one' [num. o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-HiH-no-
    IE meaning: one
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 284, 286
    Comments: In view of Ru. odín, Gsg. odnogó etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h₁)edʰ- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form with ь is less common than jedinъ.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > edьnъ

  • 18 ȁsenь

    ȁsenь; ȁsenъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `ash-tree'
    Page in Trubačev: I 79-80
    Russian:
    jásen' `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Czech:
    jasan `ash-tree' [m o];
    jasaň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jesen (obs.) `ash-tree' [m o];
    jeseň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Slovak:
    jaseň `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Polish:
    jesion `ash-tree' [m o];
    jasień (arch., S. dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jesień (arch.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jasion (arch., S. dial.) `ash-tree' [m o] \{1\}
    Old Polish:
    jasień `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃sȯu̯n `ash-tree' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jaseń `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȁsēn `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];
    Čak. jȁsen (Vrgada) `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];
    Čak. jȅsēn (Novi) `ash-tree' [m o];
    Čak. jȅsen (Orbanići) `(European) ash (tree)' [m o], jȅsena [Gens]
    Slovene:
    jásen `ash-tree' [m o], jasẹ́na [Gens];
    jésen `ash-tree' [m o], jesẹ́na [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    jásen `ash-tree' [m o];
    ósen (N.) `ash-tree' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: oʔs-en-; oʔs-i-o-
    Lithuanian:
    úosis `ash-tree' [m io] 1
    Latvian:
    uôsis `ash-tree' [m io]
    Old Prussian:
    woasis (EV) `ash-tree'
    Indo-European reconstruction: Heh₃-s-
    IE meaning: ash-tree
    Comments: In view of the Baltic forms as well as Ru. ja- ( je- > ja- is common in West Slavic and western South Slavic but not in East Slavic), we must reconstruct *oʔs- < *Heh₃-s- for Balto-Slavic. Unless the West and South Slavic forms with je-/o- continue ja- (cf. Sɫawski SP I: 159), Slavic also offers evidence for the elsewhere in Indo-European widely attested stem shape *Hh₃es. The e-vocalism could be considered an example of Rozwadowski's change (see Andersen 1996).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. ornus `mountain-ash' [f];
    OIr. uinnius `ash-tree'
    ;
    OIc. askr `ash-tree'
    ;
    OHG asc `ash-tree'
    ;
    Arm. hac'i `ash-tree';
    Alb. ah `beech'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Standard Polish form jesion originates from the Mazowian dialect area (Bańkowski 2000: 588).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȁsenь

  • 19 ȁsenъ

    ȁsenь; ȁsenъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `ash-tree'
    Page in Trubačev: I 79-80
    Russian:
    jásen' `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Czech:
    jasan `ash-tree' [m o];
    jasaň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jesen (obs.) `ash-tree' [m o];
    jeseň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Slovak:
    jaseň `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Polish:
    jesion `ash-tree' [m o];
    jasień (arch., S. dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jesień (arch.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jasion (arch., S. dial.) `ash-tree' [m o] \{1\}
    Old Polish:
    jasień `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃sȯu̯n `ash-tree' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jaseń `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȁsēn `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];
    Čak. jȁsen (Vrgada) `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];
    Čak. jȅsēn (Novi) `ash-tree' [m o];
    Čak. jȅsen (Orbanići) `(European) ash (tree)' [m o], jȅsena [Gens]
    Slovene:
    jásen `ash-tree' [m o], jasẹ́na [Gens];
    jésen `ash-tree' [m o], jesẹ́na [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    jásen `ash-tree' [m o];
    ósen (N.) `ash-tree' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: oʔs-en-; oʔs-i-o-
    Lithuanian:
    úosis `ash-tree' [m io] 1
    Latvian:
    uôsis `ash-tree' [m io]
    Old Prussian:
    woasis (EV) `ash-tree'
    Indo-European reconstruction: Heh₃-s-
    IE meaning: ash-tree
    Comments: In view of the Baltic forms as well as Ru. ja- ( je- > ja- is common in West Slavic and western South Slavic but not in East Slavic), we must reconstruct *oʔs- < *Heh₃-s- for Balto-Slavic. Unless the West and South Slavic forms with je-/o- continue ja- (cf. Sɫawski SP I: 159), Slavic also offers evidence for the elsewhere in Indo-European widely attested stem shape *Hh₃es. The e-vocalism could be considered an example of Rozwadowski's change (see Andersen 1996).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. ornus `mountain-ash' [f];
    OIr. uinnius `ash-tree'
    ;
    OIc. askr `ash-tree'
    ;
    OHG asc `ash-tree'
    ;
    Arm. hac'i `ash-tree';
    Alb. ah `beech'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Standard Polish form jesion originates from the Mazowian dialect area (Bańkowski 2000: 588).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȁsenъ

  • 20 brestì

    brestì Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: c? Proto-Slavic meaning: `wade'
    Page in Trubačev: III 14-15
    Old Church Slavic:
    \{1\}
    Church Slavic:
    bresti (RuCS) `wade' [verb]
    Russian:
    brestí `drag oneself along, stroll pensively' [verb], bredú [1sg], bredët [3sg]
    Ukrainian:
    brestý `drag oneself along, wade' [verb], bredú [1sg], bredët [3sg]
    Old Czech:
    břísti `wade' [verb], brdu [1sg], bř(e)du [1sg]
    Slovak:
    bŕst' `wade' [verb], brdie [1sg], brdú [1sg]
    Slovincian:
    brȧ̃sc `wade' [verb], brȧ̃dą [1sg]
    Polabian:
    bradĕ `wade' [1sg]
    Slovene:
    brésti `wade' [verb], brédem `wade' [1sg]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bred-
    Lithuanian:
    brìsti `wade' [verb], breñda [3sg], brìdo [3sgprt] \{2\}
    Latvian:
    brist `wade' [verb]
    IE meaning: wade
    Page in Pokorny: 164
    Comments: The root must be reconstructed as * bʰredʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Alb. bredh `jump, hop' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} The forms neprěbredomъ and neprěbredimъ `infinite', which are mentioned in the SSJ, do not occur in texts belonging to the canon. \{2\} Proto-East Baltic *bristi must have ousted *birsti < *bʰrdʰ-ti on the analogy of forms with full grade.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > brestì

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